Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics

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The book fails to demonstrate that the people occupying the most influential positions in British economic and political spheres share a “radically progressive” outlook Media Mole (11 June 2017). "Watch: Politics expert Matthew Goodwin eats his own book on live TV after underestimating Labour". New Statesman. London. This group “creates, filters and determines what is or what is not acceptable or desirable within the national conversation”, Goodwin writes. “The new elite watched the prevailing culture be completely reshaped around their far more socially liberal values, tastes, political priorities, and interests.”

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In 1956, the radical American sociologist C Wright Mills wrote about what he called, in the title of a book, The Power Elite. America’s elite, he observed, forms a “compact social and psychological entity” that “towers over the underlying population of clerks and wage earners” and whose “values” are “differentiated” from those of the “lower classes”. “All their sons and daughters,” he added, “go to college, often after private schools; then they marry one another… After they are well married, they come to possess, to occupy, to decide.” Do not read Brexit - unless you want truth rather than propaganda, objectivity rather than bias and evidence rather than prejudice. Harold D. Clarke, Matthew Goodwin and Paul F. Whiteley have written a book that will still be standing when the post-truth claims of those on both sides of the referendum have rightly crumbled to dust.' Peter Kellner, former President of YouGov Kenan Malik wrote that Goodwin's argument that members of what he portrays as the "new elite", including Gary Lineker, Mehdi Hasan and Sam Freedman, shape people's lives more than figures such as Rishi Sunak or Andrew Bailey, the governor of the Bank of England "is, to put it politely, stretching credulity". [8] Similarly, Vladimir Bortun wrote that Goodwin "fails to demonstrate that the people occupying the most influential positions in British economic and political spheres share a “radically progressive” outlook." [9] Matthew D'Ancona asked "Are Hugh Grant and Emma Watson really running Britain into the ground?", arguing "Maybe it helps the populist right and their cheerleaders to believe such nonsense." [10] Malik asserted that it was plausible that "Goodwin himself shapes public debate more than most of the "new elite" to whom he points". [8] Sunder Katwala suggested that Goodwin employs evidence selectively and argued that "The wish to rebut one-dimensional caricatures of the Leave tribe is a valid one, but Goodwin is not above dishing out caricatures of the other half of the country all the same." [11] Archie Bland has written that when critics point out that those in positions of political power have actively pursued the type of "anti-woke" politics that Goodwin approves of, "Goodwin and his allies argue that these developments are all part of a rearguard action to defend traditional values against an agenda driven by a shadowy minority" and that disagreement with this view is portrayed as "simply proof of their original thesis: that the new elite is out of touch." [12]has taken full control of the political institutions, the think tanks, the civil service, the public bodies, the universities, the creative industries, the cultural institutions and much of the media.”

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Shouldn’t social scientists welcome this kind of critical interrogation and debate? Isn’t history a science to be rewritten in the light of new evidence and arguments? Matthew Goodwin". School of Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham. Archived from the original on 15 July 2012.

Where might the real centre ground of British politics lie? “We love our NHS, hang the paedos” — that was a tongue-in-cheek formula sketched out in 2018 by Jeremy Driver, a tweeter who might just be the most influential political philosopher you’ve never heard of. His viral tweet came at the height of the excitement about a new centrist party, but little did Driver know that Boris Johnson would soon seize his mantra as the ideological path to power. Goodwin reminds us that one consequence of this reform was the collapse of working-class representation in Parliament:

Matthew Goodwin

Freedland, Jonathan (26 October 2018). "Don't normalise the far right. But sometimes we must take it on". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077 . Retrieved 12 July 2023.National Populism is a self-styled myth-buster. In particular, it aims to disabuse hardcore liberals of any lingering hope that the last three years have been but a blip, after which transnational, elite-led politics will return to normal. This message is less iconoclastic than the authors appear to believe, as any glance at doom-laden Economist op-eds or the latest non-fiction book releases will attest. Remainers and Brussels technocrats are taking up the fight against Brexiters and “illiberal democrats”, precisely because they now recognise that they have a formidable opponent on their hands. Nevertheless, Eatwell and Goodwin hammer away at their prophecy of a populist future, as if they don’t trust the reader to grasp it at the first 18 attempts. National populism is only distinguished from nationalism and racism in that its supporters do not see themselves in these terms Harry Maguire (left) deflects the ball into his own net from a Youssef En-Nesyri header to make the score between Manchester United and Sevilla 2-2. Photograph: Tom Jenkins/The Guardian It has been 26 years since the British children’s television show Teletubbies aired on TV for the first time, with its infamous grassy hill, Sun Baby and 10ft tall aliens capturing the hearts of children all over. Like with so much TV aimed at infants, Teletubbies made no sense, but its saturated colours and catchy songs made it a mainstay in children’s entertainment.

Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics - Wikipedia

Rachman, Gideon (22 June 2023). "Best summer books of 2023: Politics". Financial Times . Retrieved 25 August 2023. Cutts, David; Goodwin, Matthew; Heath, Oliver; Surridge, Paula (2020). "Brexit, the 2019 General Election and the Realignment of British Politics". The Political Quarterly. Wiley. 91 (1): 7–23. doi: 10.1111/1467-923x.12815. ISSN 0032-3179. S2CID 214063692. According to Huw Davies and Sheena McGrae, Goodwin's "concerns about wokeism are a recurrent theme in his output". Goodwin has described "wokeism" as "a pseudo-religion". He has acted as an adviser to the Conservative Party and in the 2022 Conservative Party leadership contest supported "anti-woke campaigner" Kemi Badenoch, referring to her as ‘one of the most interesting Conservatives in British politics for a very long time’. He supports the Conservative government's plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, [11] and has advised the party to raise “the salience of cultural issues”. Malik argues that Goodwin now advocates a politics that a decade earlier he would have described as "toxic". [46]Matt engages widely with governments and corporations around the globe. He has consulted and given talks to more than 400 organizations, from the UK Prime Minister's Office to the President of Germany, U.S. State Department, European Commission, Google, Deutsche Bank, UBS, JP Morgan, Rothschild and Cie, Trilateral Commission, Goldman Sachs, Clifford Chance, and many more. He is regularly in demand as a keynote speaker including after dinner and client-facing events.He has given evidence to various parliamentary committees including the Home Affairs, Education and Public Bill committees and has privately briefed some of the world's most well known political leaders including Prime Ministers and Presidents of major advanced Western democracies. Heappears regularly in international and national media including BBC News, Financial Times, New York Times and Politico, among many others. He tweets at @GoodwinMJ. one of the most important books on British politics to have appeared for many years." Professor Vernon Bogdanor, Kings College London If you believed academics are no longer relevant beyond their own professional bubble, Matthew Goodwin’s latest book has come to challenge that perception. Although it has been passionately praised and criticised across mainstream and social media, one shortcoming of most reactions has been to treat the book as a scholarly work. Perhaps director Mia Hansen-Løve could have given us a heroine with more agency, and she relies a little too much on Léa Seydoux’s natural sardonic hauteur to protect her character from soppiness. But there is such a lovely chemistry between Seydoux and Greggory, and between her and Poupaud there is real erotic languor and romance. Peter Bradshaw