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We Do Not Have Borders: Greater Somalia and the Predicaments of Belonging in Kenya (New African Histories)

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The Observer (1962). "Time Bomb in Africa". Muslimnews International. 1–2: 276 . Retrieved 2 April 2013. David D. Laitin, Politics, Language, and Thought: The Somali Experience, (University Of Chicago Press: 1977), p.75

Djibouti gained its independence in 1977, but a referendum was held in 1958 on the eve of Somalia's independence in 1960 to decide whether or not to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favor of a continued association with France, largely due to a combined "yes" vote by the sizable Afar ethnic group and resident Europeans. However, the majority of those who voted "no" were Somalis who were strongly in favor of joining a united Somalia as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later, and Hassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali who campaigned for a yes vote in the referendum of 1958, wound up as Djibouti's first president post-independence (1977–1991). [15]

Somalia peace conferences

Rhoda E. Howard, Human Rights in Commonwealth Africa, (Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.: 1986), p.95 Source 2: Food and Agriculture Organization: Somalia Water and Land Management (percent sunshine) [11] a b Zolberg, Aristide R., et al., Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World, (Oxford University Press: 1992), p.106 Riffing on Tilly’s famous aphorism, the authors argue that “trade makes states”. A trade corridor lens provides an original perspective on state formation in fragile regions by examining how government officials, informal traders, militias, local businessmen, international investors and donors feed into systems of regulatory control in Somalia’s fragmented political terrain.’— Kate Meagher, Associate Professor in Development Studies, London School of Economics Klimatafel von Chisimaio (Kismayu) / Somalia" (PDF). Baseline climate means (1961–1990) from stations all over the world (in German). Deutscher Wetterdienst . Retrieved 24 October 2016.

Indeed, in early World War II, Italian troops invaded British Somaliland and ejected the British. [7] However, Britain retained administration of most of the almost exclusively Somali-inhabited Northern Frontier District. [9] Italians even did a tentative to occupy French Somaliland in summer 1940. The Jubba River enters the Somali Sea at Kismaayo. Although the Shabeelle River at one time apparently also reached the sea near Merca, its course is thought to have changed in prehistoric times. The Shabeelle now turns southwestward near Balcad (about thirty kilometers north of Mogadishu) and parallels the coast for more than eighty-five kilometers. The river is perennial only to a point southwest of Mogadishu; thereafter it consists of swampy areas and dry reaches and is finally lost in the sand east of Jilib, not far from the Jubba River. During the flood seasons, the Shabeelle River may fill its bed to a point near Jilib and occasionally may even break through to the Jubba River farther south. Favorable rainfall and soil conditions make the entire riverine region a fertile agricultural area and the center of the country's largest sedentary population. Despite promises of a ceasefire, indiscriminate shelling has continued, damaging key infrastructure including hospitals, electricity and water supply. By some estimates, the ongoing conflict has resulted in at least 150 dead, approximately 600 wounded, and 185,000 displaced from the Dhulbahante population alone (data concerning Somaliland casualties is pending). The fighting in Las Anod has drawn widespread international condemnation and raised fears that the conflict may escalate into a regional war.Today, we are in the midst of one of the worst droughts in history and, tragically, many of the most vulnerable are losing their lives and livelihoods. Our government is desperately trying to respond adequately with appropriate climate mitigation and adaptation measures alongside affected communities and the international community. The meagre resources that are available do not match the enormous need on the ground. The SYL's governing Central Committee and its parliamentary groups became split. [5] Hussein had been a party member since 1944 and had participated in the two previous Shermarke cabinets. [5] His primary appeal was to younger and more educated party members. [5] Several political leaders who had been left out of the cabinet joined the supporters of Shermarke to form an opposition group within the party. [5] As a result, the Hussein faction sought support among non-SYL members of the National Assembly. [5]

Klimatafel von Mogadischu (Mogadiscio) / Somalia" (PDF). Baseline climate means (1961–1990) from stations all over the world (in German). Deutscher Wetterdienst. Archived (PDF) from the original on 25 March 2019 . Retrieved 22 October 2016. Ganzglass, Martin R. "The Somali Refugees-Africa's Open Wound Refuses to Heal." Hum. Rts. 8 (1979): 28. At independence, the northern region had two functioning political parties: the SNL, representing the Isaaq clan-family that constituted a numerical majority there; and the USP, supported largely by the Dir and the Daarood. [5] In a unified Somalia, however, the Isaaq were a small minority, whereas the northern Daarood joined members of their clan-family from the south in the SYL. [5] The Dir, having few kinsmen in the south, were pulled on the one hand by traditional ties to the Hawiye and on the other hand by common regional sympathies to the Isaaq. [5] The southern opposition party, the Greater Somalia League (GSL), pro-Arab and militantly pan-Somalist, attracted the support of the SNL and the USP against the SYL, which had adopted a moderate stand before independence. [5] Majeerteen Sultanate was founded in the early-18th century. It rose to prominence in the following century, under the reign of the resourceful Boqor (King) Osman Mahamuud. [110] His Kingdom controlled Bari Karkaar, Nugaaal, and also central Somalia in the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Majeerteen Sultanate maintained a robust trading network, entered into treaties with foreign powers, and exerted strong centralized authority on the domestic front. [111] [112] The most important political issue in post-independence Somali politics was the unification of all areas traditionally inhabited by ethnic Somalis into one country – a concept identified as Greater Somalia ( Soomaaliweyn) (see also Somali nationalism). [5] Politicians assumed that this issue dominated popular opinion and that any government would fall if it did not demonstrate a militant attitude toward neighboring countries occupying Somali territory. [5] Approximate extent of Greater Somalia.

Jubbaland

The only seaports of importance on this coast are Feyla [Zeila] and Berbera; the former is an Arabian colony, dependent of Mocha, but Berbera is independent of any foreign power. It is, without having the name, the freest port in the world, and the most important trading place on the whole Arabian Gulf. From the beginning of November to the end of April, a large fair assembles in Berbera, and caravans of 6,000 camels at a time come from the interior loaded with coffee, (considered superior to Mocha in Bombay), gum, ivory, hides, skins, grain, cattle, and sour milk, the substitute of fermented drinks in these regions; also much cattle is brought there for the Aden market.” [92] In drawing up a Council of Ministers for presentation to the National Assembly, the nominee for prime minister chose candidates on the basis of ability and without regard to place of origin. [5] But Hussein's choices strained intraparty relations and broke the unwritten rules that there be clan and regional balance. [5] For instance, only two members of Shermarke's cabinet were to be retained, and the number of posts in northern hands was to be increased from two to five. [5] In the far north, the rugged east–west ranges of the Ogo Mountains lie at varying distances from the Gulf of Aden coast. Hot conditions prevail year-round, along with periodic monsoon winds and irregular rainfall. [6] Geology suggests the presence of valuable mineral deposits. Because of the unpredictability of the Eritrean government and the opaqueness of the information environment within the country, it’s very difficult to tell exactly what sort of plans might be brewing in the Red Sea state. It can safely be assumed that Ethiopia will not provoke a potentially destabilizing conflict with its former province because it literally has nothing of strategic significance to gain by this, whereas Eritrea has everything of subjective benefit to acquire if it can overthrow its rival’s government, divide its territory into Identity Federalized-statelets, and possibly even repeat the Eritrean scenario over and over again until Ethiopia itself ceases to exist as a geopolitical entity.

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