Hasbro Partini Drinking Party Game

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Cura autem per medicinas est huiusmodi, nam medicinarum quedam assumuntur interius et quedam applicantur exterius. Interius vero assumptarum quedam sunt evacuantes et quedam alterantes et confortantes, inter quas primo prosequendum est de evacuantibus. Est autem evacuatio duplex: una quidem universalis, alia particularis. 117 And later in the text: ‘After considering purgative medicines, let us look at medicines which alter and soothe’. 118 Partini did not alter the original content of his notes for publishing purposes; therefore, his register is able to attest to some elements that are less probably to be found in published case histories, such as Curationes and Observationes: diagnostic doubts, failed therapeutic attempts, the questions the physician asked and the related responses, including those that the physician had rejected. Studied as a whole, such elements may both cast light on the specific technical aspects Partini wondered about and clarify how he produced new notions. Partini and Mattioli’s relationship with ancient and medieval auctoritates is to be set in the context of a slow and trying evolution, which medicine was undergoing in the sixteenth century. Hippocratic–Galenic knowledge was constantly re-read, re-interpreted and even criticised with regard to particular statements. Medical Humanism certainly stimulated physicians to critically read ancient medical texts. For instance, Galen continued to be translated and commented on over the century. 142 The intensive study of his works brought physicians to criticise some of his opinions on specific topics. For example, the anatomic discoveries carried out by Andreas Vesalius contradicted Galenic anatomy with regard to various passages. However, as Andrea Carlino has emphasised, the renewal fostered by Vesalius entirely occurred within the humanistic culture which the Flemish anatomist himself belonged to. In fact, the Vesalian revolution was conducted in line with the humanistic model of re-foundation of medical knowledge, anatomy included. 143 Mattioli left only a few medical consultations. Two of them are contained in the collection Medicinalium consiliorum liber singularis edited by Lorenz Scholz in 1610. 34 Among his handwritten medical texts, there are mostly receptae, secreta and antidotaria, whereas only two can be considered to be consilia medica in a strict sense. 35 Since they are particularly extensive, these two medical consultations well lend themselves to understand how he treated his patients. To this end, Mattioli relied on all his medical and pharmaceutical knowledge. Furthermore, he did not limit himself to mention diagnostic conclusions and the relevant cures but thoroughly enquired into a large range of aspects, such as eating, habits, lifestyle, earlier disease episodes, and body signs and symptoms. Furthermore, he strived to tailor remedies and regimina sanitatis specifically according to the constitution and the pathology of the patient.

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The mix of theatre (in the serving of two separate drinks) and the eye-catching name shows why it’s such a hit. Just don’t ask us what to do with the fizz! According to the physician from Siena, fatty material built up in the kidneys because their capacity to filter and expel it was affected by overheating. The violent heat present in the kidneys attracted the raw, slimy material contained in the kidney blood, agglutinated it, and ‘roasted’ it, transforming it into sand and stones. 75 Bohuslav’s kidneys might have been naturally inclined to a warm quality or the heat might have been caused by external factors, such as excessive physical activity, fatigue due to horse riding, summer heat, or the consumption of food and medicines that overheated the body. 76 In turn, the toxic, fatty material, which could cause the formation of stones, was produced by the ingestion of certain foods. 77 After Cles’s death, in 1541, Mattioli became town physician in Gorizia, in the county inherited by the Habsburgs at the beginning of the century. 28 In early 1555 he moved to the Prague court to work as the personal physician to Ferdinand, the second son of Emperor Ferdinand I, Archduke of Austria and Governor of Bohemia. 29 Later on, in 1562, Emperor Maximilian II granted Mattioli a noble title. 30As far as the palpation of the body is concerned, it played a smaller role in early-modern medicine than in the late nineteenth; however, it was more widespread than historians have so far assumed. 139 In Mattioli’s consultation for Bohuslav, for instance, it is said that the patient’s belly was stiffened, which implies that the physician palped it. As cursorily mentioned above, at the beginning of their encounters with physician, patients provided basic information about their ailments, illustrated their symptoms, and tried to explain what they felt and observed going on within their bodies. 136 In turn, physicians paid great attention to the patients’ narratives and to this end, relied on the sense of hearing. After listening to the patients’ reports, they began to conduct a sensory examination, which was primarily meant as the identification and description of sensory signs of disease leading to medical diagnosis. For this purpose, the sense of hearing was only rarely used (physicians might for instance describe the sound of cough), whereas sight seems to have played an overriding role. The visual characteristics of the body, in particular the external appearance of the skin, face, and eyes, mucus, urines and faeces were described in detail. Exactly through such a rich description, Mattioli and Partini were able to sketch out a first diagnostic hypothesis. Albeit less frequently mentioned, taste, touch and smell also contributed to recognising the sensory data of disease. Margaret’s catarrh was for instance described as being respectively pungent, slimy and wet, and stinking. This information alone could not however provide a sufficiently revealing clue to a plausible diagnosis and had to be integrated with the visual features of the catarrhal fluid. Est praeterea huius loci Aer valde inaequalis. Namque saepe accidit, ut una, et eadem die, immo aliquando una et eadem hora incalescat, et rifrigescat maxime. Id quod non solum corpora, et membra malis obnoxia destruit, sed, et sana, et robusta non parum afficit. 126 Partini’s collection can be considered to be a typical product of the habit of keeping medical notes in the sixteenth century. As Hannah Murphy has stressed, at least as early as the fourteenth century, physicians kept manuscript records of medical cases, particularly unusual cases. 43 Thereafter, especially in the second half of the sixteenth century, the practice of keeping medical records—recipes and remedies used, outcome of the cases—further spread among learned physicians. 44 Manuscripts that detailed series of medical consultations were not unusual for instance among English practitioners, such as the aforementioned Simon Forman. 45 For most of his patients, Partini noted down personal details such as profession and social status; if it was relevant to the diagnosis itself, he added the age of the patient, defining it exactly or approximately. Among the historical figures who relied on Partini’s health care service, it is worth mentioning: Barons Cristoforo and Nicolò Madruzzo; 52 the latter’s first wife, Helena von Lamberg, Countess of Styria; 53 Nicolò’s second wife, Geraldina d’Arco; 54 Prince-Bishop Bernardo Cles, Cristoforo Madruzzo’s predecessor; 55 Count Sigismondo d’Arco and Vinciguerra d’Arco’s wife, Margaret; 56 a notable from the County of Flavon; 57 the daughter of Emperor Ferdinand I, Margaret, Archduchess of Austria; 58 a relative of Baron Otto Truchsess von Waldburg. 59 The latter, one of the most influential members of the Habsburg court, was the dean of the cathedral of Trent, and later Bishop and Cardinal of Augsburg. Mattioli and Partini’s Consilia

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Imagine drinking a Christmas cake – this martini is how it would taste. With bourbon and cherry brandy, plus a dried fruit syrup, it’s an indulgent festive drinkPartini and Mattioli’s consultations reveal their steady will to investigate, study in depth and call into question the written medical tradition. This tendency contributed to fertilising a terrain on which other medical disciplines, such as physiology and chemistry, thereafter developed. From this perspective, ‘Galenism’ could be renewed thanks to the use of the senses too. If we read Partini and Mattioli’s advice in their eyes, we will be able to understand how the physicians of the time treated diseases: they acted with determination before diseases, carefully pondering on remedies; their therapeutic choices were adequate (though not always effective) and had their reason for being. This delicious twist on a martini is made with just three ingredients and takes minutes to make. The bergamot oil in the Earl Grey gives a lovely citrus hit Firstly, it is to note that sensory perception by physicians was influenced by patients, on whose accounts many practitioners based their diagnoses (for instance, the pain felt or the sensation of hot/cold perceived). 17 As we will see below, this aspect could even limit the use of the senses by physicians. Secondly, the influence of the deeply felt notion of decency around the body, especially with regard to the female one, prevented physicians from laying hands on the patients’ body. More importantly, many historians have assumed that the prevailing disease theories—and those of humoral pathology in particular—could make a physical examination largely irrelevant. 18 Actually, as I will show, university-trained practitioners made great efforts to combine an attentive observation of the bodily signs with a doctrinal level. On the one hand, Francesco Partini and Pietro Andrea Mattioli attributed great epistemological value to the sensory signs of disease. By means of sight, smell, taste and touch, they described in detail the outside appearance of their patients (face, eyes, tongue, skin, excretions), as well as the signs of their weakness or strength. Such an accurate observation served the purpose of orientating the diagnosis or confirming it and allowed physicians to identify more precisely the affected body part: not only a general region (such as the abdomen or the chest) but a more circumscribed zone (such as the stomach, the kidneys, the upper respiratory tract or the lungs). Partini’s collection contains two kinds of texts, according to their author: consultations carried out by Partini himself, and recommendations formulated by other physicians on Partini’s request and then transcribed by the latter in his notebook. The plurality of the authors in Partini’s register makes it similar to the notebooks compiled by the above-mentioned Georg Handsch. This latter used to report the opinions of his mentors Mattioli and Gallo related to the clinical cases he was treating. 47 The consultations produced by Partini’s colleagues—9 out of 80 consultations in all—are either complete consilia (structured into the description of symptoms and signs, the recognition of the type of humoral imbalance, diagnosis and prescription of a therapeutic regimen) or replies to a specific question asked by Partini himself. He summoned particularly qualified colleagues: in fact, it was probably the high socio-political rank of his patients that induced Partini to request help from long-experienced physicians, such as Giovanni Battista Da Monte, Giulio Alessandrini and Francesco Frigimelica. 48

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Conversely, Partini and Mattioli were totally engaged in the study of individual cases and such case-oriented attention resulted in a smaller number of authorities’ quotations. Apparently, both physicians did not tend to verify that everything they had found out through their sensory perception was exactly mentioned in medical literature too. Rather, in the texts by auctoritates, they sought for a key to interpret the empirical data observed. Therefore, the minor frequency of their quotations did not correspond as much to a writing convention different from the medieval one, but rather to a diverse way to look at ancient authors. If you plan on making several Pornstar Martinis, we recommend buying pre-batched passionfruit purees. Architectural licensing exam fees will be donated to attending architectural licensing candidates through the NCARB Lottery. Must be present to win. In closing, medical practice required a great ability to find a balance between theoretical and empirical levels to fulfil a factual purpose, the patient’s recovery. Empirical data were supposed to have epistemological value themselves but were interpreted within a context in which the study of the ancient and medieval medical literature remained open to new elements and interpretations. In this context, data driving from observation could be used to better comprehend, further explore and even enrich Galenic doctrines. As flexible and adaptable, these latter were steadily being discussed, and the diagnostic process based on empirical observation could urge physicians to make new inventive interpretations of them. Nevertheless, with his 80 extensive consilia, Partini’s collection turns out to be an exceptional source for historians, at least with regard to the Italian scene. In fact, collections of handwritten medical consultations, which comprise such a large number of cases investigated in depth, have not hitherto come to light. Arguably, only few examples have so far survived, currently buried in archival repositories and not studied yet. As regards the rest of the European continent, I have already noted that some records—Finzel’s practice journal, Forman’s casebooks and Handsch medical notes—have been found out and researched. However, most of Finzel’s notes are short entries; though being a learned man, Forman was not a university-trained physician and his was primarily an astrological practice; as far as Handsch is concerned, he especially recorded those cases that roused his interest.Galen’s reception, as well as that of any other ancient (or medieval) author, was selective and influenced by the cultural sensitivity of the time. The choice of the texts which early-modern physicians drew on depended on both the overriding medical tendency at a given time and the convictions peculiar to individual practitioners. At least two examples can support such a statement. Andrea Gallo, archiater of Archduke Ferdinand, was the author of a study on the nature, causes and possible therapies for the plague, the Fascis de peste. 148 The author identified the sublunary factors (meteorological, geographical, hygienic factors) as being responsible for the plague. Instead, he disregarded the influences of celestial bodies, 149 straying from the tendency which, based on Avicenna’s opinion (d. 1037), had been established since the fourteenth century. The Persian physician had proposed an interpretation of the pestilence based on the miasmic theory integrated with celestial phenomena. 150 As regards the second example, during the seventeenth century, the emphasis on the benefits of exercise on the body decreased in comparison with the recommendations from Antiquity and the Middle Ages. The new ideal of physical activity was connected with an emerging aristocratic culture, which promoted new patterns of genteel life and a new ideal of the male body. In this context, Avicenna’s Canon began to be considered as better suited than Galen’s De sanitate tuenda to convey the new approach to exercise. 151 Secondly, public and private medical notes might have different aims. Written for publication, Curationes tended to include the most revealing and interesting cases among those which the physician had seen and aimed at enhancing the reputation of the author as practitioner and scholar. In their instance, expounding rare or unknown cases, Observationes reflected ‘extra-ordinary’ practices, rather than a day-by-day healing activity. The choice of such cases could be guided by the author’s desire to highlight his personal diagnostic and therapeutic skills. 12 By contrast, handwritten case histories did not aim at enhancing the author’s medical skills. Rather, they were drawn up for the benefit of the practitioner himself, who could consult them when, for instance, similar cases turned up. Under this perspective, such medical notes were likely to embrace most of the cases submitted to the physician. Complimentary child care is available through a stipend. Please reach out to [email protected] for availability and details.