Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics

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This book presents an insightful and highly informative analysis of the most significant independent challenge to the existing party system in England. It is a must read for anyone interested in the future of British politics."John Curtice, Professor of Politics at Strathclyde University and a research consultant for ScotCen Social Research Bland, Archie (14 April 2023). "Friday briefing: Has a 'woke aristocracy' really taken control of British society?". The Guardian . Retrieved 26 August 2023. Geoghegan, Peter (1 June 2023). "Peter Geoghegan · Short Cuts: At NatCon London · LRB 1 June 2023". London Review of Books. Vol.45, no.11. ISSN 0260-9592 . Retrieved 18 August 2023.

This obsession with a ‘new elite’ hides the real roots of

The UK Independence Party (UKIP) was the most significant new party in British politics for a generation. Its rise set the stage for the later vote for Brexit. The first serious study of UKIP and its supporters, Revolt on the Rightdrew on an unprecedented amount of survey data and interviews with party insiders to explain its rise and impact. Winner of the2015 Political Book of the Year and long-listed for the Orwell Prize, Revolt has since been selected by academics as one of the most influential twenty books in modern Britain. one of the most important books on British politics to have appeared for many years." Professor Vernon Bogdanor, Kings College LondonMedia Mole (11 June 2017). "Watch: Politics expert Matthew Goodwin eats his own book on live TV after underestimating Labour". New Statesman. London. Goodwin, Matt (28 May 2023). "Matt Goodwin: The revolution of liberal economics and woke cultural extremism has failed and left Britain broken". Belfast News Letter . Retrieved 21 August 2023. According to Huw Davies and Sheena McGrae, Goodwin's "concerns about wokeism are a recurrent theme in his output". Goodwin has described "wokeism" as "a pseudo-religion". He has acted as an adviser to the Conservative Party and in the 2022 Conservative Party leadership contest supported "anti-woke campaigner" Kemi Badenoch, referring to her as ‘one of the most interesting Conservatives in British politics for a very long time’. He supports the Conservative government's plan to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda, [11] and has advised the party to raise “the salience of cultural issues”. Malik argues that Goodwin now advocates a politics that a decade earlier he would have described as "toxic". [46]

Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics

Do not read Brexit - unless you want truth rather than propaganda, objectivity rather than bias and evidence rather than prejudice. Harold D. Clarke, Matthew Goodwin and Paul F. Whiteley have written a book that will still be standing when the post-truth claims of those on both sides of the referendum have rightly crumbled to dust.' Peter Kellner, former President of YouGov Given all of that, it might seem bold to argue that it is the sneering cognoscenti who rule the roost. But Goodwin and his allies argue that these developments are all part of a rearguard action to defend traditional values against an agenda driven by a shadowy minority. If anyone disagrees, that is simply proof of their original thesis: that the new elite is out of touch. has taken full control of the political institutions, the think tanks, the civil service, the public bodies, the universities, the creative industries, the cultural institutions and much of the media.”

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Stacey Dooley and a Ukrainian recruit in Ready For War. Photograph: Blanca Munoz/BBC/True Vision East Football | Premier League clubs have agreed to ban gambling sponsors on the front of shirts from the start of the 2026-27 season. But while campaigners welcomes the move, they also said it was “incoherent” as gambling brands will still be able to advertise on sleeves and pitch side hoardings. Matt has published several other academic books with Oxford and Cambridge University Press, including the first major study of the Brexit vote and dozens of peer-reviewed papers in top-ranked journals such as the British Journal of Political Science,the European Journal of Political Researchand Electoral Studies.He has published highly cited research reports with think tanks such as the Joseph Rowntree Foundation, Chatham House, and the Legatum Institute. This is a canny and deceptive intellectual move. It would be strange to define socialism in terms of the hopes and fears of trade unionists, or liberalism in terms of the worldview of a free rights-holding individual. And yet national populism is only really distinguished from nationalism and racism by the fact that its supporters do not see themselves in these terms. Inversely, Eatwell and Goodwin’s insistence that Le Pen or Wilders are not racist politicians rests on the PR efforts these figures have made to detoxify their images as racists in the eyes of the public and media. Ultimately, the category of national populism is stretched in so many directions that it obscures more distinctions than it illuminates. It starts with an eminently understandable desire to be listened to and recognised, but then extends to demagoguery, violent threats and wall-building. If the language of racism, nationalism and fascism is really not adequate to distinguish between the desire for stable community and Salvini’s vicious hatred of refugees, between alienation from unelected elites and Orbán’s dismantling of the rule of law, then find a language that will. The book’s timing (completed in summer 2018) rescues them from having to stretch national populism to accommodate Brazil’s new president-elect.

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Florida Governor Ron DeSantis speaks at a news conference after signing the ‘Stop Woke Act’. Photograph: Miami Herald/TNS Goodwin only refers in passing to the Establishment, a term coined by Henry Fairlie in 1955, and instead describes, in his opening chapter, the “Rise of the New Elite”, which according to him By contrast, the “traditional values” displayed by conservatives are presented as almost natural, despite the vast literature showing how notions such as “national identity” or “whiteness” may be constructed in a top-down way that benefits the elite. Goodwin’s argumentation bears another contradiction: if the new elite imposes its progressive values on the rest of society, was that not the case also with the old elite and its traditionalist values? Indeed, Goodwin fails to explain what exactly is wrong with questioning received knowledge about the past, the Empire, British identity etc. Shouldn’t social scientists welcome this kind of critical interrogation and debate? Isn’t history a science to be rewritten in the light of new evidence and arguments? If you believed academics are no longer relevant beyond their own professional bubble, Matthew Goodwin’s latest book has come to challenge that perception. Although it has been passionately praised and criticised across mainstream and social media, one shortcoming of most reactions has been to treat the book as a scholarly work.Just as Rishi Sunak tries to calm things down, Goodwin wishes to persuade us that “British politics is coming apart”. He says a “New Elite” consisting of university graduates with “radically progressive values” has taken control of our institutions and looks down on “the morally inferior masses”, whom it dismisses as racists and xenophobes.