The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World

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This is something that can be under-recognized in political histories, where the emphasis tends to be on material conditions and relations of power. Hathaway and Shapiro further believe that ideas are produced by human beings, something that can be under-recognized in intellectual histories, which often take the form of books talking to books. “The Internationalists” is a story about individuals who used ideas to change the world.

However in the summer of 2015 the IC decided to ignore our advice on boycotting the referendum organised by Syriza (in breach of their own abstentionist principles) and called for support for the NO campaign. We discussed this extensively and they reacted negatively to our own articles (e.g leftcom.org) condemning this bourgeois manoeuvre. During the course of this discussion it became clear that they did not see Syriza as the left wing of capital as we did. From there things deteriorated and their refusal to sign our international statement on the migrant crisis (highlighted in the document that follows) effectively brought an end to our relations in the first couple of months of 2016.

Both the debate from Activity 1 and the essay from Activity 2 could be used as formal assessment tools. Students should also be able to write a five-paragraph essay in response to the following question: In reality, the Treaty fight was not a two-way contest. Besides the Wilsonian internationalists, who wanted the Treaty and Covenant ratified unchanged, there were those who wanted to add so-called reservations to the treaties: conditions to U.S. acceptance and participation in the League that the other signatories would have to accept. President of Turkey Erdoğan has declared Israel an “occupier” and denounced the “massacre” of Palestinians. Meanwhile, his regime continues to regularly bomb Kurdish areas in Iraq and Syria.

Please list any fees and grants from, employment by, consultancy for, shared ownership in or any close relationship with, at any time over the preceding 36 months, any organisation whose interests may be affected by the publication of the response. Please also list any non-financial associations or interests (personal, professional, political, institutional, religious or other) that a reasonable reader would want to know about in relation to the submitted work. This pertains to all the authors of the piece, their spouses or partners. With this legacy behind us, what form could internationalism take today? One answer might lie with an initiative proposed in 2018, the Progressive International. Launched by former Greek finance minister and economics professor Yanis Varoufakis, with the support of US Senator Bernie Sanders, the Progressive International calls on the Left to counter the ‘Nationalist International’ that is being constructed by ‘Viktor Orbán in the North [and] Jair Bolsonaro in the South, Rodrigo Duterte in the East [and] Donald Trump in the West’. On November 19, 1919, there were actually two votes, rather than one, in the Senate. The first was on a resolution to ratify the Treaty and Covenant unamended. The second included fourteen reservations proposed by Lodge, in close consultation with the Republican caucus. Neither passed. Following a bipartisan conference in January 1920, the Senate reopened consideration of the Treaty. But when a second resolution of ratification was put to a vote on March 19 (scarcely two months after the Council meeting), it, too, failed to gain a two-thirds majority. Versailles became one of only three treaties in history to have been rejected by the Senate not once, but twice.For realists, and many positivist lawyers, international law is either a misnomer, because there is no sovereign to enforce it, or it is irrelevant, because powerful states can ignore it. Liberal internationalists disagree, arguing that, although far from perfect, it is essential in regulating international behaviour and in strengthening liberal norms. As states habitually comply with the rules, so cooperation across the system will increase. Furthermore, liberal internationalists argue, international law should be embedded in institutional structures, such as the UN, and in supranational judicial bodies, such as the International Criminal Court (ICC). Modern manifestations

Kellogg figured that he had Briand outfoxed. France had mutual defense treaties with many European states, and it could hardly honor those treaties if it agreed to renounce war altogether. But the agreement was eventually worded in a way that left sufficient interpretive latitude for Briand and other statesmen to see their way clear to signing it, and the result was the General Treaty for the Renunciation of War, also known as the Paris Peace Pact or the Kellogg-Briand Pact. By 1934, sixty-three countries had joined the Pact—virtually every established nation on earth at the time. That is to say, if two or more people, or groups or nations of people, are associated “under one Civil Law,” they are at Peace. Otherwise, they are at War. Connecticut is not in a state of War with New York, because they are associated under a Civil Law, the U.S. Constitution, under which all “controversies” between them are settled, not by the use of force between them, but by the courts of a federal government. Court rulings are enforced by a power (i.e., to use physical force) wielded by a federal executive, a power which both states have granted to the federal government on an exclusive basis to use for the express purpose of settling those controversies. The p At first people thought the Kellogg-Briand Pact, also known as the Pact of Paris, was something ridiculous,” Shapiro said. “It was thought to be something ridiculous.” However, far from being ridiculous, he continued, “the Pact became transformative to the practice of international politics.” For Shapiro, “outlawing war also seems ridiculous from our standpoint because war appears to be the breakdown of the system. But before 1928, war was the system.” On the day of the debate, allow members of the two Publicity Teams to place their propaganda posters around the room. The teacher will serve as moderator for the debate. Give each of the Opening Speakers five minutes to make their speeches, then go through the lists of questions submitted by the two sides' Research and Opposition Research Teams, giving members of each side an opportunity to respond to whichever questions the teacher chooses to use from those lists. The question-and-answer part of the debate should take approximately twenty minutes. Finally, give each of the Closing Speakers five minutes to present their summary arguments. It may be necessary to allow the closing speakers some time to add to their prewritten speeches based on the classroom debate. If time permits, conclude the activity by allowing students to "break character" and discuss which side they thought had the better arguments. Activity 2. The Drift toward WarThis set them apart from the small but loudly vocal group of “irreconcilable” Senators, led by William Borah (R-ID) and Hiram Johnson (R-CA), who rejected the treaties wholesale. Yet even they were no isolationists. Borah and Johnson were prominent progressives and anti-imperialists, who saw the Treaty and Covenant as violations of the precepts of international law they had always defended. Hathaway, Oona (August 2007). "Why Do Countries Commit to Human Rights Treaties?". Yale Law & Economics Research Paper No. 356. SSRN 1009613– via Social Science Research Network. Genuine originality is unusual in political history. “The Internationalists” is an original book. There is something sweet about the fact that it is also a book written by two law professors in which most of the heroes are law professors. Sweet but significant, because one of the points of “The Internationalists” is that ideas matter. The cast is appropriately international. Many of the characters are barely known outside scholarly circles, and they are all sketched in as personalities, beginning with the seventeenth-century Dutch polymath Hugo Grotius, who is said to have been the most insufferable pedant of his day. They include the nineteenth-century Japanese philosopher and government official Nishi Amane; the brilliant academic rivals Hans Kelsen, an Austrian Jew, and Carl Schmitt, a book-burning Nazi; the American lawyer Salmon Levinson, who began the outlawry movement in the nineteen-twenties and then got written out of its history by men with bigger egos; and the Czech émigré Bohuslav Ečer and the Galician émigré Hersch Lauterpacht, who helped formulate the arguments that made possible the prosecution of Nazi leaders at Nuremberg and laid the groundwork for the United Nations.