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The Russo-Ukrainian War: From the bestselling author of Chernobyl

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Vladimir's region of Novgorod and Kiev was the genesis of Ukraine. In 2016, after his annexation of Crimea, Putin famously recognized Kievan Rus' as the origin of Russia and Saint Vladimir as the father of Russia. This recognition was in the form of a statue of St. Vladimir elected in Moscow, near the Kremlin. The "Monument to Vladimir the Great" is a massive 58-foot statue of warrior-saint Valentine, sword in one hand and cross in the other, overlooking his Russian landscape. It has become a meme for Putin.

Change the plan you will roll onto at any time during your trial by visiting the “Settings & Account” section. What happens at the end of my trial?Aber selbst wenn sich die Hoffnungen der Ukraine auf unangefochtene Souveränität nicht erfüllen, hat Russland sich entlarvt. Es wird schwierig werden, die Welt davon zu überzeugen, dass man seiner Regierung/Regime trauen kann.

In zijn nawoord laat Plokhy de wens wellicht wat te veel de vader van de gedachte zijn als hij schrijft: “There are clear indications that the Ukrainian nation will emerge from this war more united and certain of its identity than at any other point in its modern history. Moreover, Ukraine’s successful resistance to Russian aggression is destined to promote Russia’s own nation-building project. Russia and its elites now have little choice but to reimagine their country’s identity by parting ways not only with the imperialism of the tsarist past but also with the anachronistic model of a Russian nation consisting of Russians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians. By paying an enormous price in wealth and the blood of its citizens, Ukraine is terminating the era of Russian dominance in a good part of Eastern Europe and challenging Moscow’s claim to primacy in the rest of the Soviet space.” (294) In 1240AD Batu Khan's Mongolian "Golden Horde" invaded the Byzantine Empire centered at Constantinople. The disruption Constantinople's ability to serve as the Kyivan Rus' protector and regional power shifted toward the Duchy of Muscovy, which would expand to incorporate much of the Kievan 'Rus territory. For cost savings, you can change your plan at any time online in the “Settings & Account” section. If you’d like to retain your premium access and save 20%, you can opt to pay annually at the end of the trial. Fazit: Serhii Plokhys „Der Angriff“ zeichnet sich durch Allgemeinverständlichkeit aus, Zahlen und Fakten sind unvermeidlich, vor allem, wenn der Autor auf einzelne Militäraktionen kommt, aber er erklärt auch vieles, so, dass man den skrupellosen Angriff auch dann versteht, wenn man kein Historiker ist.Whatever happens, historians will draw on this book when assessing the history of this war. Alongside journalists such as Anna Arutunyan, Luke Harding and Owen Matthews, Plokhy has provided an invaluable first draft of a history of this war. Anders dan in Rusland wist het parlement in Oekraïne met vallen en opstaan wél een sterke positie te verwerven tegenover de uitvoerende macht. De vreedzame machtswisseling na de presidentsverkiezingen van 1994, van Leonid Kravtsjoek naar Leonid Kuchma, was een belangrijke eerste mijlpaal in de democratische ontwikkeling van de voormalige sovjetrepubliek. Voor de goede orde: Kuchma bleek als president allesbehalve een voorbeeldige democraat. Net als Jeltsin in Moskou, probeerde hij de grondwet naar zijn hand te zetten. Anders dan Jeltsin, slaagde hij daarin echter niet. Tien jaar later, in 2004, lukte het Kuchma evenmin om Viktor Janoekovitsj, de corrupte pro-Russische gouverneur van Donetsk, tot zijn opvolger te benoemen. Hoe corrupt en verdeeld Oekraïne ook was, de meeste Oekraïners eisten democratie en velen bleken bereid hiervoor hun nek uit te steken tijdens de eerste Maidan-protesten na de gemanipuleerde verkiezingen van 2004. Rusland raakte langzaam maar zeker de greep op Oekraïne steeds meer kwijt.

Having given up its nuclear shield, Ukraine tried to follow the lead of other countries in the post-Soviet space that successfully found protection under the umbrella of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO). Plokhy’s account of the crucial Bucharest summit in 2008 provides an important corrective to popular narratives, promoted by Moscow’s relentless disinformation campaign.

Plokhy describes the current conflict as “an old-fashioned imperial war” conducted by Russian elites who see themselves as “heirs and continuators” of great-power traditions. These expansionist ideas come from Russia and the Soviet Union. The Kremlin’s aggression, he suggests, is a 19th-century land grab, fought using 20th-century battlefield tactics and 21st-century weaponry. In the eyes of the Russian public and a good part of the elite the fall of the USSR as a superpower and empire was a loss for Russia, the Ukrainian elite and much of the public considered it a gain for their country. Het idee dat Oekraïne tot de Navo zou kunnen toetreden, belastte de verhoudingen van het westen met Rusland vanaf eind jaren negentig. Voor Polen, Tsjechië en Hongarije was toetreding tot de Navo een voorwaarde geweest om zich veilig te kunnen voelen tegenover Russisch revanchisme. “After decades of Soviet domination,” legde de Poolse president Lech Walesa uit, “we are all afraid of Russia.” Hij voegde eraan toe: “If Russia again adopts an aggressive foreign policy, this aggression will be directed against Ukraine and Poland.” (75) Zonder lidmaatschap, zo hadden Poolse diplomaten al in 1992 gewaarschuwd, zou Polen zich genoodzaakt zien kernwapens te bemachtigen. Ook de Oekraïense lidmaatschapsambities werden in die jaren vaak in dit licht bezien. “Some [in Washington] were prepared to offer membership to the Ukrainians as a carrot to give up their nuclear arsenal,” aldus Plokhy. (77) Met het al genoemde Boedapest-memorandum deed Oekraïne echter afstand van kernwapens zonder daarvoor harde veiligheidsgaranties terug te krijgen. Whilst Putin envisaged the invasion to be short, swift, and without much European intervention, it is clear that his strategy was more informed by the force of his predecessors' ideas than by the reality of a strong Ukrainian identity and a unified European response. Key invasions, such as those of the cultural capital Kharkiv, Kherson, the Crimea and the Zaporizhzhia nuclear plant, are shown as gruelling conflicts initiated by a worn-out and paranoid Russian army.

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