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The Gestapo staged a Polish raid on a German broadcasting tower at Gleiwitz, in current-day Poland. The Nazis left behind a dead “saboteur” — in reality a German farmer with Polish sympathies who’d been shot by the Gestapo — as well as several dead Germans, who in reality were concentration camp prisoners killed and dressed as German guards, said David Silbey, a Cornell University historian. “Hitler used the incidents to justify the invasion of Poland,” he said. PolitiFact has debunked a number of false flag claims in recent years. Why “false flag” internet rumors should be viewed skeptically Both occurred under murky circumstances and were then exploited to agitate for war against the presumed aggressors,” Radnitz said. Russia’s agencies “both use false flag operations and accuse others of using false flag operations,” Starbird wrote. “It’s both projection and an effective tactic of making it difficult for people to make sense of events in the world. Undermining trust in information.”

Historically, a false flag operation referred to a military force or a ship flying another country’s flag for the purposes of deception. Under international law, this is usually considered illegal. The Hague Convention IV of 1907, for instance, forbids any signatory from making “improper use of a flag of truce, of the national flag or of the military insignia and uniform of the enemy.” What are some historical examples of false flag operations? The “false flag” operation is believed to have been discussed in the White House Situation Room on Thursday evening. False flags also refers to activities carried out by individuals or government organisations to undermine political opponents. Jones has since been banned by several technology companies for promoting those and other conspiracy theories, and he has lost defamation lawsuits brought by the families of Sandy Hook victims. But social media users have spread similarly bogus “false flag” and “crisis actor” claims following other shootings, such as those in Parkland, Florida, Dayton, Ohio, and El Paso, Texas.She added: “The fact that we (as a broader public) can’t differentiate between a real threat and a conspiracy theory is the point of those kinds of active measures.” That said, false flag operations require significant effort to come across as plausible, so other deceptive operations — such as spreading disinformation — may be more common, experts said. And sometimes governments can exaggerate actual events for political gain. Intelligence agencies do launch false flag operations, “but telling the difference between a real one and a false allegation is really hard,” said Lance Janda, a military historian at Cameron University. “It often amounts to how much faith you have in the source.” One of the best-known historical examples of a real false flag operation was mounted by Nazi Germany in 1939 as justification for starting World War II.

Japanese officers fabricated a pretext for invading Manchuria in September 1931 after they blew up a section of railway.

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Growing distrust in government, combined with the revelation that the Bush administration had been deceptive about weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, helped produce a “9/11 truth” movement. Supporters of this movement offered a number of alternative explanations for the day’s events, despite the fact that their theories were repeatedly debunked. How should Americans reconcile the existence of false flag operations throughout history with the rise in dubious conspiracy theories alleging, for example, that school shootings like the Sandy Hook massacre were staged to push gun control? What is a false flag operation? Despite the damage being minor and rail services not being disrupted, the Japanese used this Mukden incident to seize Manchuria. Another possible example involving Russia occurred in 1999. Following a series of bombings believed to be carried out by Chechnyan militants, several people were apprehended planting a large bag of explosives in front of an apartment building in the city of Ryazan, said Scott Radnitz, an associate professor of Russian and Eurasian studies at the University of Washington.

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